ACRU Policy Board Member Col. Allen B. West expresses ACRU’s support for Texas lawsuit demanding state legislative authority over election protocols be upheld
“The lawsuit filed by Texas against Michigan, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin is needed to protect the American electoral process from executive and judicial actions that usurp the constitutional powers of state legislators. ACRU encourages principled leaders across the country to join Texas in the fight against assaults on election integrity and the Constitution.”
Honestly conducted elections, with each American’s vote counting once, is the foundation of a nation whose Constitution begins “We the People…”
The government derives its legitimacy from free and fair elections and is bound by them. Vote fraud cuts at the very heart of American freedom. When an illegal vote is cast and counted, it cancels out the legal vote of a lawful citizen. (Watch the undercover videos).
In recent years, close elections and news of vote fraud have awakened Americans to the importance of protecting the integrity of the ballot box.
This site is a one-stop shop about voting requirements in every state, current state efforts to strengthen ballot integrity and the push-back from the Left.
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ACRU is dedicated to protecting seniors from vote fraud. Through our Protect Elderly Votes project, we created “Stranger Danger” to warn seniors and those caring for them to take steps to protect their ballots. If you suspect vote fraud, call ACRU’s Vote Fraud Hotline at 877-730-ACRU (2278). NEVER LET A STRANGER TOUCH YOUR BALLOT!
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ACRU Commentary
Latest Election News
Election Reform in North Carolina and the Myth of Voter Suppression
By Hans von Spakovsky In 2013, North Carolina passed omnibus electoral reform legislation that, among other provisions, eliminated same-day registration, required that qualified persons who desire to vote in an election must register to vote no later than 25 days before Election Day, reduced the number of early voting days from 17 to 10, and created a voter ID requirement. Although opponents of this bill predicted that such reforms would disenfranchise minority voters and significantly suppress voter turnout, turnout actually increased. African-American voter turnout increased by almost 30 percent and Caucasian voter turnout increased by approximately 15 percent. Clearly, these changes did not suppress voter turnout.
Revisiting the Lessons from the Voter ID Experience in Texas: 2015
By Hans von Spakovsky Critics of the Texas voter identification law claim that a voter ID requirement suppresses voter turnout. However, turnout data from elections held with the voter ID law in place show that there is no evidence whatsoever that this requirement has prevented Texans from turning out to vote. In fact, turnout increased during the 2013 state elections--despite the enactment of the new voter ID requirement. Likewise, during the 2014 midterm elections--a contest that saw voter participation plummet across the U.S.--turnout in Texas declined at a smaller rate than the national average and a smaller rate than the rates in 12 states that have no ID requirement.
ACRU Files Suit against Third Mississippi County
ALEXANDRIA, VA --- The on July 27 filed a complaint in federal court against another Mississippi county that has corrupted and inflated voter registrations. Voter rolls maintained by Clarke County actually contain more people registered to vote than citizens eligible to vote. The complaint argues that Clarke County's election commission is violating Section 8 of the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA). It was filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, Hattiesburg Division. "Clarke County has had longstanding problems maintaining plausible numbers of registrants on the rolls," the complaint filed against the Clarke County Election Commission says. "During the 2010 federal general election, over 101 percent of living citizens eligible to vote in Clarke County were registered to vote." ACRU's review of databases revealed that as of 2015, more than 100 percent of Clarke's voting-eligible citizens were registered. This strongly indicates the county has failed to purge the names of people who had died, moved away or been convicted of disenfranchising felonies.
Group Files Lawsuit against County over Voter Rolls
The has filed a federal lawsuit against Clarke County claiming the county has more voters on its rolls than living citizens of voting age. The lawsuit was filed Monday in U.S. District Court in Mississippi against the Clarke County Election Commission. The lawsuit says: "Voter rolls maintained by the Defendant for Clarke County contain more voters registered to vote than citizens eligible to vote. In March 2015... Clarke County, Mississippi had 12,646 registered voters, despite having a voting age population of only 12,549 according to the United States Census. More than 100 percent of living citizens old enough to vote were registered to vote in Clarke County in 2015." The lawsuit alleges that the Election Commission has failed to provide required maintenance of the county's voting rolls. Clarke County Circuit Clerk Beth Jordan said the county is in the process, along with the Board of Supervisors attorney, of working with the ACRU to address voter rolls problems or concerns.
Symposium: Does “one person, one vote” really mean what it says?
By Hans von Spakovsky in Scotusblog Evenwel v. Abbott may wind up being the most important voting case in sixty years. Its political ramifications could rival those of Reynolds v. Sims, the 1964 case that established the principle of "one person, one vote" under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The key question in Evenwel is what population does that principle require legislatures to use when they are redrawing legislative districts? Prior to Reynolds, states like Alabama and Tennessee had refused to redistrict for more than half a century, despite a dramatic, nationwide population shift from rural to urban areas. These state legislatures were dominated by rural legislators, who were not willing to reapportion and lose their power and control. Under the principle established in Reynolds, districts have to be drawn "on a basis that will insure, as far as is practicable, that equal numbers of voters can vote for proportionally equal numbers of officials." Within two years of the Reynolds decision, legislative districts had been redrawn in almost every state, and urban areas gained a substantial number of legislative seats. Today, lawmakers from urban areas dominate many state legislatures because of the huge influx of non-citizens, both legal and illegal, into predominantly urban settings. This greatly increases the population of non-voters who can be and are used to fill in urban legislative districts. If the Court rules for the plaintiffs, there could be a similar loss of clout by urban areas that rural districts experienced after Reynolds. In this case, Sue Evenwel and Edward Pfenninger are contesting the state senate districts drawn by the Texas legislature in 2013. The legislature used total population in determining whether the population of each senate district met equal protection requirements. Evenwel, a registered voter in Senate District 1, and Pfenninger, a registered voter in Senate District 4, filed suit because both the number of citizens of voting age and the number of registered voters in these two districts deviate substantially - between thirty-one and forty-nine percent - from the "ideal" population of a Texas senate district.
PDF Download: Defending Honest Elections in America
